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Ogmios

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For the linguistics journal published by the Foundation for Endangered Languages, see Ogmios (journal).
Albrecht Dürer's rendition of the image of Ogmios which Lucian describes

Ogmios (sometimes Ogmius; Ancient Greek: Ὄγμιος) is the name given to a Celtic god of eloquence, described in the Syrian satirist Lucian's short work Heracles (c. 175 CE).

Lucian's Heracles is a short text, intended to be read aloud before a longer public performance. It describes Lucian's viewing of a strange image of Ogmios in Gaul. In this image, the god is depicted as a dark-skinned, aged version of the Greek hero Heracles, with a group of happy devotees tied by bejewelled chains to the god's tongue. A Celt approaches Lucian and explains these features, telling him that they reflect a native association of Ogmios with eloquence (which, the Celt explains, reaches its highest level in old age). Lucian uses this anecdote to prove to his audience that, in old age, he is still competent to deliver public performances.

The evidence outside of Lucian's text for the god Ogmios is quite limited. No image has been found which comes close to the one Lucian describes. A small number of personal names and inscriptions have been connected with the god. The only mostly-accepted attestations of the god in archaeology are on two curse tablets from Brigantium (in Austria). Most scholars accept the existence of the god Ogmios, but a minority have expressed scepticism.

In medieval Irish mythology, the god Ogma was fabled as the inventor of the early Irish alphabet Ogham. Ogmios has frequently been connected with Ogma, but the nature of this connection is difficult to define. An etymology linking Ogmios, Ogma, and Ogham poses unresolved (chronological and phonological) difficulties.

Lucian's text was much read in the Renaissance and "Gallic Hercules" inspired a number of artistic works, including drawings by Albrecht Dürer and the School of Raphael.

Etymology

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Georges Dottin, Christian-Joseph Guyonvarc'h and Françoise Le Roux [fr] have proposed to derive the god's name derives from Greek ὄγμος (ógmos, "furrow, path").[1][2]: 233  Though Lucian tell us that Ogmios is the name of the god "in their native tongue", Guyonvarc'h and Le Roux believe it is possible the name may have been adopted from Greek in the parts of Gaul where Greek was widely spoken (such as Massalia). Jan de Vries is sceptical of this possibility.[3]: 93 [4]: 70  Through its cognates, ὄγμος seems to have had the connotation of leadership, which may reflect the iconography Lucian describes.[4]: 70  The Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon notes that ἐπόγμιος (epógmios, "ruling over the furrows") was an epithet of Demeter.[5]: 268 

Celtic etymologies of the theonym have also been given. The existence of a reflex of the god's name in Irish mythology (Ogma, discussed below) has been taken to count in favour of such an etymology.[6]: 81 [7]: 363  Xavier Delamarre suggests that Ogmios is a reflex (through proto-Celtic) of proto-Indo-European *h₂óǵmos ("way"), derived from the PIE verbal root *h₂eǵ- ("to drive"). He associates with theonym with the meaning of "a leader along a path". Pierre-Yves Lambert suggested that Ogmios was a reflex of the proto-Celtic *oug- ("to sew").[8]: 239 

Lucian's Heracles

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Lucian (125 CE – after 180 CE) was a Syrian satirist and rhetorician who wrote in Ancient Greek. His short work Heracles or Hercules (Ancient Greek: Ἡρακλέα, romanized: Irakléa) is a prolaliai, that is, a short introduction intended to arouse audience interest prior to a longer lecture.[9]: 111–112  It reflects on its author's old age, and his ability to deliver public oratory, concluding with an emphatic affirmation of this ability. On this basis, the text is dated late in Lucian's life, after his return from Egypt in 175 CE.[10] : 129  The passage relevant to Ogmios comes at the beginning, where Lucian delivers an ekphrasis (literary description of a work of art) of an image of Heracles:

The Celts call Heracles Ogmios in their native tongue, and they portray the god in a very peculiar way. To their notion, he is extremely old,[a] bald-headed, except for a few lingering hairs which are quite gray, his skin is wrinkled, and he is burned as black as can be, like an old sea-dog. You would think him a Charon or a sub-Tartarean Iapetus—anything but Heracles! Yet, in spite of his looks, he has the equipment of Heracles: he is dressed in the lion’s skin, has the club in his right hand, carries the quiver at his side, displays the bent bow in his left, and is Heracles from head to heel as far as that goes. I thought, therefore, that the Celts had committed this offence against the good-looks of Heracles to spite the Greek gods, and that they were punishing him by means of the picture for having once visited their country on a cattle-lifting foray, at the time when he raided most of the western nations in his quest of the herds of Geryon.[b] But I have not yet mentioned the most surprising thing in the picture. That old Heracles of theirs drags after him a great crowd of men who are all tethered by the ears! His leashes are delicate chains fashioned of gold and amber, resembling the prettiest of necklaces. Yet, though led by bonds so weak, the men do not think of escaping, as they easily could, and they do not pull back at all or brace their feet and lean in the opposite direction to that in which he is leading them. In fact, they follow cheerfully and joyously, applauding their leader and all pressing him close and keeping the leashes slack in their desire to overtake him; apparently they would be offended if they were let loose! But let me tell you without delay what seemed to me the strangest tiling of all. Since the artist had no place to which he could attach the ends of the chains, as the god’s right hand already held the club and his left the bow, he pierced the tip of his tongue and represented him drawing the men by that means! Moreover, he has his face turned toward his captives, and is smiling.[14]: 1–3 

Puzzling at this picture, a Celt fluent in Greek, whom Lucian describes as versed in Greek lore and native traditions, interjects with an explanation. The copious quotations from Greek that the Celt adduces have been omitted from the following.[14]: 4 

I will read you the riddle of the picture, stranger, as you seem to be very much disturbed about it. We Celts do not agree with you Greeks in thinking that Hermes is Eloquence: we identify Heracles with it, because he is far more powerful than Hermes. And don’t be surprised that he is represented as an old man, for eloquence and eloquence alone is wont to show its full vigour in old age [...] This being so, if old Heracles here drags men after him who are tethered by the ears to his tongue, don’t be surprised at that, either: you know the kinship between ears and tongue. Nor is it a slight upon him that his tongue is pierced. [...] In general, we consider that the real Heracles was a wise man who achieved everything by eloquence and applied persuasion as his principal force. His arrows represent words, I suppose, keen, sure and swift, which make their wounds in souls. In fact, you yourselves admit that words are winged.[14]: 4–6 

One of Lucian's techniques was to arouse an audience's interest by shocking them. The choice of subject matter was no doubt tailored towards this end; his listeners, likely in the Greek East, would have found Celtic civilisation unfamiliar and exotic.[3]: 85  The rhetorician's intentions were not ethnographic. Andreas Hofeneder points out that Lucian neglects to tell us where in Gaul his story takes place; what sort of building the picture was located in; and even the nature of the picture (whether a relief, a mosaic, or a painting). Lucian's other writings tell us that he worked as rhetorician in Gaul, but they do not tell us where or when.[3]: 94 [c] Lucian's narrative may have taken place in the semi-Hellenized south of Gaul,[4]: 65  perhaps Massalia,[16]: 119  but this is far from certain.[3]: 94 

The speaker who interjects to explain the image (in this narrative, a learned Celt) is something of a stock figure in ekphrases. Paul Friedländer pointed out that Lucian's introduction of the Celt borrows material from the Tabula Cebetis, a popular philosophical ekphrasis.[3]: 86  Lucian describes the Celt as a "philosopher in local matters".[d] It was common in Greek accounts of the Celts to refer to the druids as philosophers, and on this basis it has been suggested that the Celt who addressed Lucian was a druid, however by the time Lucian wrote the druids had been suppressed by Roman decree for over a century. Eugenio Amato suggests that if Lucian had encountered a druid, he would have been unlikely to credit a member of the maligned religious order so highly.[3]: 86–88  Amato has suggested that the Celtic speaker is Lucian's imitation of his contemporary Favorinus, a Roman sophist of Gaulish extraction, who had great command of Greek poetry and wrote a discourse on old age, and whom Lucian elsewhere refers to. The abundant quotations from Greek literature may reflect Favorinus's preoccupations, though little of the sophist's work has survived.[10]: 134–141 

The reality of the image Lucian describes has been repeatedly doubted.[9]: 133  Lucian's characteristic mixture of satire and journalism, and especially the mockery he directs towards religious feeling, make him a problematic source for the history of religion. The view of scholars in the 19th and early 20th centuries of Lucian as a straightforward purveyor of falsehoods has largely subsided, and scholars now tend to take a more nuanced view.[17]: 52–53  In the 19th and early 20th centuries researchers were unanimous in seeing Lucian's image as an invention. More recent scholarship has been balanced between the two views.[3]: 94 

In favour of the existence of this image, it has been pointed out that nothing about Lucian's story is impossible. The satirist certainly visited Gaul, where wall paintings of mythological scenes are known to have existed.[18]: 43–44  Amato suggests he could have learned of this picture from Favorinus.[10]: 144  Marion Euskirchen took the "detailed iconographic elements of the image described by Lucian, as well as their unusual combination" to speak to its veracity.[16]: 121  Friedrich Koepp [de] and German Hafner [de] accept it as authentic, but are sceptical of Lucian's explanation.[9]: 133  Hafner, for example, argued the image was identifiable as a classical depiction of Heracles' enemy Geras,[19]: 147–153  though Euskirchen is unconvinced the ekphrasis can be read this way.[16]: 123 

Against its existence, sceptics have adduced "the absurdity of this explanation, and its all-too-visible link with the necessities of a prolalia".[20]: 726  Jaś Elsner, for example, calls the image "effectively a self-portrait of the orator as an old man".[21] No wall paintings with scenes of a non-classical type have survived in Gaul.[16]: 121  Wolfgang Spickermann [de] suggests that Lucian composed plausible elements (allegorical painting, the god Ogmios, his stay in Gaul) fictitiously for literary ends.[17]: 59  More recently, scholars such as Gerhard Bauchhenß [de] and Hofeneder have counted the paucity of archaeological evidence for Ogmios (discussed below) against the reality of this image.[3]: 94 

Archaeological evidence

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Lucian's text is a valuable, but problematic and isolated source. Ogmios is mentioned nowhere else in classical literature, with the exception of two Byzantine lexicons, which clearly depend on Lucian.[3]: 90  The archaeological evidence for Ogmios is very limited. The only mostly-accepted attestations of the god, outside of Lucian, are two curse tablets from Brigantium.[13]: 156  The existence of Ogmios is accepted by a majority of scholars, even among those (such as Spickermann) who doubt the authenticity of Lucian's narrative. Bauchhenß and Hofeneder are two scholars who have expressed scepticism about Ogmios's existence.[3]: 94–95 

Hercules in Gaul

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By way of his adventures through Western Europe, ancient literature often associated Hercules and the Celts. Parthenius of Nicaea, for example, claimed that Heracles was, through his son Keltos, progenitor of all the Celts.[12]: 91–92  In the Roman era, Hercules was worshipped in Gaul, especially in his role as patron of sacred springs. However, Ogmios does not seem to have been important to this worship. The epigraphic evidence reveals very little linking Hercules to native deities; and nothing at all linking Hercules to Ogmios.[22]: 671–673 [12]: 98–99 

The iconographic evidence for Hercules Ogmios is little more impressive. No images of Hercules found in Gaul come near the arrangement described by Lucian. Salomon Reinach linked Ogmios to two representations from Gaul, both quite late: a bronze statuette of Hercules, bent with age; and a terra sigillata with a relief of an apparently bald Hercules.[22]: 671 [23]: 256, 261  However, Stephanie Boucher argued the hunch of the former was a product of low quality bronze-work; and Euskirchen has argued that the latter's baldness could have been caused by wear to the pottery.[16]: fn 38 

Curse tablets

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1st-century CE curse tablet, now lost, perhaps invoking Ogmios to silence court witnesses.

Two curse tablets, both found in Brigantium (in Austria), have been linked to Ogmios. The first, discovered in 1865 and now lost, dates to the 1st century CE;[e] the second, discovered in 1930, dates to the 1st/2nd century CE.[f] The former curse invokes a god to silence any witnesses who would speak against the (female) curse-writer's interest in court. The latter curse invokes Dis Pater and another god to damage a young woman's body in order that she may be made unmarriageable. In 1943, Robert Egger proposed to read both these tablets as invoking the god Ogmios. Egger's reading has largely met with agreement in the scholarly literature, though Hofeneder and Euskirchen have expressed scepticism.[3]: 90–91 [24]: 438–439 

Egger argued that only gods of the underworld were invoked on curse tablets, and that therefore Ogmios should be interpreted as a chthonic deity.[25]: 290  Further to this point, Egger pointed out that Lucian compares Ogmios to Iapetus and Charon, both figures of the Greek underworld.[25]: 293  Egger's association of Ogmios with the underworld has met with some agreement in the literature, but with the scepticism of de Vries and Euskirchen. de Vries points out that a god only had to be considered powerful to be invoked in a curse.[4]: 66  For example, a curse tablet invoking Nodens (a Celtic god of healing) is known from Gloucestershire.[16]: 122 [g] Euskirchen argues that Lucian's comparison of Ogmios to Iapetus and Charon only goes as far as their skin colour.[16]: 122 

Other attestations

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Stater of the Namnetes

Eugène Hucher [fr] connected Lucian's image of Ogmios with coin-type from Armorica, on one side of which is depicted a beardless male bust with a number of pearl-like chains extending from his head. Any relationship of this coin-type with Ogmios is largely rejected now, following arguments by Charles Robert,[3]: 91  who pointed out that the coins appear to be copies of Greek staters of Philip II, and in any case diverge from Lucian's Ogmios insofar as the coins depict a young man, with chains emerging from his head rather than his mouth, and no faces on the end of these chains.[26]: 270–271  de Vries accepts the possibility that these coins represent a different iconographic variety of Ogmios, known in the north of Gaul.[4]: 66 

A few inscriptions have been connected to Ogmios. Fritz Heichelheim tentatively identified an inscription on a bronze statue base[h] Heichelheim's reconstruction has been generally rejected, going back as far as Egger.[12]: 93  A lost inscription from Salins-les-Thermes[i] was originally read as a votive inscription to Herculei Ograio. Théodore Reinach wanted to emend this to Herculei Ogmio, but it is more likely that this the inscription originally reproduced the known name-pairing Hercueli Graio.[3]: 92  Two inscriptions from Iberia,[j] which Francisco Marco Simón connected with Ogmios, have been given recent readings which preclude his interpretations.[3]: 92–93  A votive altar to Hercules Gallicus in Piedimonte Matese (in Italy),[k] a name-pairing not otherwise attested, could be connected to Ogmios, but is more likely to be related to a local toponym.[27]

The onomastic evidence is also quite limited. A 4th-century CE inscription on a vase gives the female personal name Ocmia, which was interpreted by Anne Ross as a female form of Ogmios. The personal name Ogmireectherius, recorded in the 7th century CE, was given a Celtic etymology by Alfred Holder, who thought the first half of the name incorporated the theonym Ogmios, though Christian-Joseph Guyonvarc'h has given a Germanic etymology without reference to the theonym.[3]: 92 

In later mythology

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Ogma and Ogham

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Further information: Ogma
Ogham text inscribed on a spindle-whorl

Ogma is a figure of Irish mythology, an orator and warrior of the Tuatha Dé Danann (a supernatural race in medieval Irish literature often thought to represent euhemerized pre-Christian deities). Ogma is described as the inventor of Ogham, an alphabet used to write the early Irish language.[28][29] A relationship between Ogma and Ogmios has been supposed, but scholars have been "hard-pressed to delineate" the relationship between these figures, as James MacKillop has put it.[28]

The etymologies of Ogma and Ogham are uncertain. It is not even certain that their etymologies must be connected. As Bernhard Maier has pointed out, the tradition which connects Ogma to Ogham is late, and may only reflect the superficial similarity of the two words.[30]: 213  The proposal to explain Ogma as a reflex of Ogmios may pose phonological difficulties. The development of proto-Celtic "gm" in Irish is not clear. If it developed like "gn", the initial g would be dropped, in which case proto-Celtic *Ogmo- would have give rise to Middle Irish *Úam or *Óm rather than Ogma.[31]: 297 [32]: 152  If this is the case, a relationship between Ogma and Ogmios would have to be explained by a late borrowing from Gaulish, which creates chronological difficulties for an etymology connecting Ogma and Ogham.[32]: 152  On the other hand, given the state of the evidence, Ranko Matasović entertains the possibility that "g" was preserved before "m" in the transition to Irish.[31]: 297 

Other myths

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John Arnott MacCulloch [de] connected Ogmios with some episodes from the Irish tale Táin Bó Cúailnge: one, where a gloomy figure drags seven unwilling figures by a chain around his neck; another, where Cú Chulainn grows angry and his body distorts itself horribly, in such a way as MacCulloch compares with iconography of Ogmios. de Vries is sceptical of these parallels, and points out differences between the iconography in Lucian and these scenes.[4]: 66–67 

John Rhŷs proposed that Eufydd fab Dôn, a minor figure of Welsh mythology, was cognate with Ogmios.[33]: 62  This hypothesis has more recently received the favour of Claude Sterckx [fr].[34]

In the Renaissance

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The reception of Lucian's ekphrasis of Hercules Ogmios in the Renaissance has been described as "astonishingly rich".[3]: 95  Such sources such as Andrea Alciato's much-read Emblemata and the mythographies of Annius of Viterbo and Natalis Comes popularised the myth of "Gallic Hercules" among humanists and artists.[35]: 242–248  In France, Gallic Hercules was regarded as a founder of the nation, and associated with the French monarchy.[35]: 245–250  A sculpture of Francis I as Ogmios, binding the Four Estates by his tongue, was unveiled in Paris upon the entry of Henry II in 1549.[36]: 426  Albrecht Dürer's rendition of Ogmios as Hermes (pictured above) is well known, but there is also a drawing from the School of Raphael, a wall painting in the Escurialense, and a very large number of printed woodcuts.[3]: 95 

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Notes

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  1. ^ Françoise Bader points out that Greek mythography presents Heracles as master of time and of death; never as an aged figure.[11]: 147–150 
  2. ^ In the course of his Tenth Labour, Heracles marched back through Western Europe with the cattle he had stolen from Geryon. Greco-Roman myth records his deeds in the various nations he passed through. Diodorus Siculus, for example, reports that in Gaul he imposed order and ended the custom of murdering foreigners.[12]: 92  Diodorus thus presents Hercules' activities in Gaul in parallel to Caesar's conquests, as essentially civilising expeditions.[13] : 162  Rather than a bringer as civilisation, Lucian's Heracles is a raider, despised in Gaul.[12]: 93 
  3. ^ Lucian's life is largely known from autobiographical remarks in his writings.[3]: 82  In Apologia 15, Lucian tells us that "on that Atlantic tour of yours which included Gaul, you found me numbered among those teachers who could command high fees". In Bis Accusatus sive Tribunalia 27, Rhetoric personified tells us "I sailed the Ionian Sea with him [sc., Lucian] and attended him even as far as Gaul".[15]
  4. ^ Ancient Greek: φιλόσοφος τὰ ἐπιχώρια, romanized: filósofos tá epichória.
  5. ^ CIL III, 11882 = Sánchez Natalías, Sylloge of Defixiones from the Roman West, no. 520.
  6. ^ Sánchez Natalías, Sylloge of Defixiones from the Roman West, no. 521.
  7. ^ CIL VII, 140 = Sánchez Natalías, Sylloge of Defixiones from the Roman West, no. 205
  8. ^ CIL XIII, 11295: Ogl. Aug. sac./ Ateuritus/ seplas(iarius) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) as a votive dedication to Ogmios.[3]: 92  The initial portion was reconstructed by Heichelheim as Og(mio) L(aribus) Aug(ustis), hence a dedication to Ogmios.[3]: 92 
  9. ^ CIL XII, 5710
  10. ^ Hispania Epigraphica 2006, 368 and Hispania Epigraphica 1993, 494
  11. ^ CIL IX, 2322

References

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  1. ^ Guyonvarc'h, Christian-Joseph (1960). "Notes d'étymologie et de lexicographie gauloises et celtiques 14. Gaulois OGMIOS, irlandais OGMA, ogam". Ogam. 12: 47–49.
  2. ^ Le Roux, Françoise (1960). "Le dieu celtique aux liens: De l'Ogmios de Lucain à l'Ogmios de Dürer". Ogam. 12: 209–234, pl. XXVII–XXIX.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Hofeneder, Andreas (2011). Die Religion der Kelten in den antiken literarischen Zeugnissen. Vol. 3. Wien: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
  4. ^ a b c d e f de Vries, Jan (1961). Keltische Religion. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer.
  5. ^ Wodtko, Dagmar S.; Irslinger, Britta; Schneider, Carolin (2008). Nomina im Indogermanischen Lexikon. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter.
  6. ^ Duval, Paul-Marie (1976). Les Dieux de la Gaule (2 ed.). Paris: Payot.
  7. ^ Martin, Josef (1946). "Ogmios". Würzburger Jahrbücher. 1: 359–399. doi:10.11588/wja.1946.2.23118.
  8. ^ Delamarre, Xavier (2003). Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise: Une approche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental (2nd ed.). Paris: Éditions Errance.
  9. ^ a b c Nesselrath, Heinz-Günther (1990). "Lucian's Introductions". In Russell, D. A. (ed.). Antonine Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 111–140. doi:10.1093/oso/9780198140573.003.0005.
  10. ^ a b c Amato, Eugenio (2004). "Luciano e l'anonimo fi losofo Celta di Hercules 4: Proposta di identifi cazione". Symbolae Osloenses. 79: 128–149. doi:10.1080/00397670410007222.
  11. ^ Bader, Françoise (1996). "Héraklès, Ogmios et les Sirènes". In Jourdain-Annequin, Colette; Bonnet, Corinne (eds.). IIe Rencontre héracléenne: Héraclès, les femmes et le féminin. Bruxelles: Institut historique belge de Rome. pp. 145–185.
  12. ^ a b c d e Bauchhenß, Gerhard (2008). "Hercules in Gallien – facts and fiction". In Häussler, Ralph; King, Anthony C. (eds.). Continuity and Innovation in Religion in the Roman West. Vol. II. Portsmouth: Journal of Roman Archaeology. pp. 91–102.
  13. ^ a b Favreau-Linder, Anne-Marie (2009). "Lucien et Le Mythe d'Ηρακλη̂ς ὁ Λόγος: Le Pouvoir Civilisateur de l'éloquence". Pallas. 81: 155–68. JSTOR 43606620.
  14. ^ a b c "Heracles". Lucian: Volume I. Loeb Classical Library. Vol. 14. Translated by Harmon, A. M. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1913. doi:10.4159/DLCL.lucian-heracles.1913.
  15. ^ For the relationship of these texts to Lucian's life, see Amato, Eugenio (2004). "Luciano e l'anonimo fi losofo Celta di Hercules 4: Proposta di identifi cazione". Symbolae Osloenses. 79: 130. doi:10.1080/00397670410007222. For the translations of the texts, see "Bis Accusatus sive Tribunalia" and "Apologia" at The Lucian of Samosata Project.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g Euskirchen, Marion (2001). "Ogmios – ein wenig bekannter Gott". In Brands, Gunnar; et al. (eds.). Rom und die Provinzen: Gedenkschrift für Hans Gabelmann. Mainz: von Zabern. pp. 119–124.
  17. ^ a b Spickermann, Wolfgang (2008). "Ekphrasis und Religion: Lukian und der Hercules Ogmios". In Schörner, Günther; Šterbenc, Erker (eds.). Medien religiöser Kommunikation im Imperium Romanum. Stuttgart: F. Steiner. pp. 53–63.
  18. ^ Koepp, Friedrich (1919). "Ogmios: Bemerkungen zur gallischen Kunst". Bonner Jahrbücher. 125: 38–73, pl. IV–VII. doi:10.11588/bjb.1919.0.47250.
  19. ^ Hafner, German (1958). "Herakles – Geras – Ogmios". Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz. 5: 139–153. doi:10.11588/jrgzm.1958.0.33462.
  20. ^ Bompaire, Jacques (1958). Lucien écrivain: Imitation et création. Paris: Boccard.
  21. ^ Elsner, Jaś (2024). "Lucian and Art History". In Goldhill, Simon (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Lucian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 115–137.
  22. ^ a b Hekster, Olivier (2004). "Gallic images of Hercules" (PDF). Journal of Roman Archaeology. 17: 669–674. doi:10.1017/S1047759400008692.
  23. ^ Balmaseda, Luis Javier (1990). "Hercules (in Peripheria Occidentali)". Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae. Vol. V. pp. 255–262.
  24. ^ Sánchez Natalias, Celia (2022). Sylloge of Defixiones from the Roman West: A comprehensive collection of curse tablets from the fourth century BCE to the fifth century CE. Vol. II. Oxford: BAR Publishing.
  25. ^ a b Egger, Rudolf (1962) [1943]. "Aus der Unterwelt der Festlandskelten". Römische Antike und Frühes Christentum: Ausgewählte Schriften von Rudolf Egger. Vol. I. Klagenfurt: Geschichtsvereines für Kärnten. pp. 272–311.
  26. ^ Robert, Charles (1885). "Ogmius, dieu de l'éloquence, figure-t-il sur les monnaies armoricaines?". Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 29 (3): 268–273. doi:10.3406/crai.1885.69115.
  27. ^ Camodeca, Giuseppe (2015). "Alife, ubicazione incerta, Hercules Gallicus". Fana, templa, delubra: Corpus dei luoghi di culto dell’Italia antica (FTD). Vol. 3 (Online ed.). Paris: Collège de France. doi:10.4000/books.cdf.3794.
  28. ^ a b "Ogma, Oghma, Ogmae, Ogme". Dictionary of Celtic Mythology (Online ed.). Oxford University Press. 2004.
  29. ^ MacKillop, James (2004). "Tuatha Dé Danann". Dictionary of Celtic Mythology (Online ed.). Oxford University Press.
  30. ^ Maier, Bernhard (1997). Dictionary of Celtic Religion and Culture. Woodbridge: Boydell Press. ISBN 9780851156606.
  31. ^ a b Matasović, Ranko (2009). Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Vol. 9. Leiden / Boston: Brill.
  32. ^ a b McManus, Damian (1991). A Guide to Ogam. Maynooth: An Sagart.
  33. ^ Rhŷs, John (1908). "All around the Wrekin". Y Cymmrodor. XXI.
  34. ^ Sterckx, Claude (1972). "Efydd ab Dôn un Ogmios gallois". Annales de Bretagne. 79 (4): 837–843. doi:10.3406/abpo.1972.2662.
  35. ^ a b Hallowell, Robert E. (1962). "Ronsard and the Gallic Hercules Myth". Studies in the Renaissance. 9: 242–255. JSTOR 2857119.
  36. ^ Villas Bôas, Luciana (2024). "Images of Power and Public Sphere: Geoffroy Tory's Orator King (1529/1549) and the Philibert-Louis Deboucourt's Constituent Assembly (1891)". In Allen, Sèan; Moser, Christian (eds.). Re-imagining the Public Sphere in the Long Nineteenth Century. Bielefeld: Aisthesis Verlag. pp. 423–443.

Further reading

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  • Benoît, Fernand (1952). "L'Ogmius de Lucien et Hercule Psychopompe". Beiträge zur älteren Europäischen Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift für Rudolf Egger Klagenfurt. Vol. I. pp. 144–158.
  • Birkhan, Helmut (1997). Kelten: Versuch einer Gesamtdarstellung ihrer Kultur (2nd ed.). Wien: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. pp. 556f.
  • Faedo, Lucia (1994). "Le immagini dal testo: Commento all'apparato iconografico". In Maffei, Sonia (ed.). Luciano di Samosata: Descrizioni di opera d’arte. Turin: Nuova Universale Einaudi. pp. 138–139.
  • Loicq, Jean (1984). "Ogmios-Varuna et l'organisation de la fonction de souveraineté dans le panthéon celtique". In Duchesne-Guillemin, J. (ed.). Orientalia J. Duchesne-Guillemin emerito oblata. Leiden. pp. 341–382.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Marco Simón, Francisco (1998). Die Religion im keltischen Hispanien. Archaeolingua. Series Minor. Vol. 12. Budapest. p. 40.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Moitrieux, Gérard (2002). Hercules in Gallia. Recherches sur la personnalité et le culte d'Hercule en Gaule. Paris: De Boccard. pp. 178–181.
  • Schinnerl, Alexander (2014). Der gallische Gott Ogmios (Thesis). Universität Wien.
  • Sterckx, Claude (2002). "Rhiannon fille de l'Ogmios gallois". Ollodagos. 16: 147–152.
  • Till, Dietmar (1994). "Der 'Hercules Gallicus' als Symbol der Eloquenz: Zu einem Aspekt frühneuzeitlicher Rhetorikikonographie". In Füssel, Stephan; Hübner, Gert; Knape, Joachim (eds.). Artibus. Kulturwissenschaft und deutsche Philologie des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit. Wiesbaden: Harassowitz. pp. 249–274.
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